Humanitarian DisasterAbu Abdulrahman was one of the survivors of the brutality of the Rapid Support Forces militia in the Triangle area
In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful
Al-Haqiqa (The Truth)
The first periodic electronic magazine specializing in documenting the crimes of the Rapid Support Forces militia in Sudan, as a reference for the international community and mechanisms concerned with the protection of human rights worldwide.
Issued in three languages. Issue No. 27, July 2025.
Foreword
Sudanese civil society organizations and circles denounced the recent Security Council statement issued in June 2025, calling for an end to the siege of El Fasher and condemning the attack on El Koma without naming the perpetrator, Rapid Support Forces militia, as well as its attack on World Food Programme (WFP) facilities. The Security Council merely expressed its deep concern over the escalating violence in various parts of Sudan, including El Fasher and surrounding areas in North Darfur State. They recalled Resolution 2736 of 2024, which demanded that the Rapid Support Forces militia end the siege of El Fasher and called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and de-escalation of the situation in the city and surrounding areas, without taking any practical measures to address these crimes that directly target civilians.
Council members condemned the attack on June 2, 2025, near Al-Koma, North Darfur, on a joint World Food Programme and UNICEF humanitarian convoy, which resulted in the death of five humanitarian workers, the injury of several others, the destruction of life-saving humanitarian supplies, and burning of several trucks. They did not name the perpetrators of the attack, the Rapid Support Forces militia, who burned the convoy and documented their crimes by themselves.
The silence of the international community regarding the ongoing atrocities and violations committed against civilians by the UAE-backed terrorist RSF Dagalo militia, is part of a scheme of complicity and the perpetration of impunity.
The international community’s indifference to the systematic crimes against civilians, starting with the militia’s rebellion and its perpetration of war crimes and genocide in several states, most recently the burning of humanitarian aid convoys bound for El Fasher, the bombing of critical civil facilities in Port Sudan and hospitals in North Kordofan, and the shelling of IDP camps and residential neighborhoods in North Darfur, confirm the international community’s acceptance of the Rapid Support Forces’ violations and its encouragement of them to commit further massacres against civilians. This is part of an international plot targeting Sudan and its people.
Al-Haqiqa (The Truth), a Sudanese civil pressure platform specializing in documenting the crimes of the Rapid Support Forces and within the framework of its goals of documenting and exposing these crimes, documents in Issue No. 27 the horrific and ongoing crimes against civilians in Kordofan and Darfur states, including the systematic targeting of aid convoys, food and medicine stores, and the shelling of IDP camps and hospitals in North Darfur and Kordofan. Al-Haqiqa (The Truth) also documented shocking statistics on sexual violence in areas previously controlled by these militias. The criminal militia, and also provides statistics from the Government of Sudan before the oral briefing session of the Fact-Finding Committee of the Human Rights Council, session “59”, on crimes and violations committed by the Rapid Support Militia against civilians. Al-Haqiqa also documented statistics on the waves of displacement resulting from the forced displacement of civilians in the villages of West Kordofan, the bombing and destruction of pharmaceutical companies and educational institutions, the liquidation of defenseless civilians, and the bombing of residential neighborhoods by Al-Hilu militia in South Kordofan. Al-Haqiqa also documented the suffering of the Sudanese people in the border triangle as a result of the crimes they were subjected to by the Rapid Support Militia and Haftar forces, and how countries claiming democracy and human rights are involved in supporting these crimes.
The Truth is documenting:
Bombing of IDP camps in El Fasher… and the burning of food and medicine stores and aid convoys. Where is the international community?
On June 11, 2025, the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia committed a new massacre by targeting Abu Shouk camp in El Fasher, North Darfur, killing eight civilians and displacing hundreds.
The shelling occurred with heavy artillery amidst deafening international silence, while the humanitarian disaster expands with mass displacement and the collapse of relief services.
The Sudan Doctors Network (SDN) recorded death of 179 civilians as a result of the RSF bombing, and of 12 others due to starvation and lack of food and medicine in El Fasher during the month of June.
Abu Shouk camp emergency room confirmed in a statement that “the RSF militia bombed the camp market and neighborhoods, killing eight people and wounding others.”
It reported additional deaths and injuries, but did not account for the number of dead and the wounded. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have been besieging El Fasher since April 2024, preventing food, medicine and humanitarian aid from reaching the city. This has caused shortages of some goods and increased prices for others, making it unaffordable for residents despite UN Security Council Resolution 2736 (2024), which called for lifting the siege on the city.
On June 2, 2025, the RSF burned the WFP humanitarian aid convoy heading to the besieged city of El Fasher, after holding it for more than a week in the Kuma area of North Darfur.
In a statement, the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC) confirmed that the convoy had received all necessary facilitations from the Government of Sudan and the Commission, as part of its efforts to deliver relief to civilians affected by the war. This effort was carried out despite the militia’s ongoing obstacles to humanitarian aid, including road closures and the siege of cities and camps for the displaced.
The HAC described this act as “barbaric behavior” and a “flagrant violation of all humanitarian and international laws,” noting that this crime a part of a series of systematic attacks carried out by the militia against civilians and displaced persons in the Darfur region, including the burning of WFP warehouses in El Fasher, which the US State Department had previously condemned.
The Commission called on the international community to condemn this criminal and inhumane behavior, warning that international silence regarding these crimes would encourage the militia to continue targeting displaced persons and humanitarian aid.
The Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned the attack, which resulted in the destruction of several trucks carrying relief supplies and the death of several workers, drivers, accompanying security personnel, and a number of citizens.
It called on the international community, including governments and organizations, to hold the Rapid Support Forces militia and its “regional sponsor” fully legally accountable.
El Fasher Displaced Persons Committee and the Resistance Committees Coordination Committee condemned the barbaric behavior of this militia and called on the international community to condemn it and designate it as a terrorist organization.
On June 16, 2025, the Governor of North Darfur, Al-Hafiz Bakhit, revealed that 35 displaced persons were killed and injured as a result of the attack. A shelling by the Rapid Support Forces militia targeted a shelter at the Ministry of Agriculture headquarters in El Fasher during its withdrawal following its defeat by the Sudanese army. The militia shelled the center, killing five people and wounding more than 30 others.
The governor explained that the armed forces, police, the General Intelligence Service, and the joint force repelled a major attack launched by the militia on El Fasher.
The Truth is documenting:
The Spread of Sexual Violence and (659) Victims in South Darfur Alone
Doctors Without Borders (MSF) reported that sexual violence is massively widespread in western Sudan that many people now consider it an “inevitable fate”. MSF said it has provided care to 659 victims in South Darfur alone.
The Rapid Support Forces militia controls most of Darfur, located in western Sudan, where sexual violence is a strategy to subjugate and humiliate communities.
MSF said in a statement that “sexual violence has become so widespread in Darfur that many people now consider it an inevitable fate.”
It noted that women and girls in Darfur are at almost constant risk of sexual violence, while the true extent of this crisis remains difficult to determine due to limited services.
Disturbing Statistics
The organization stated that it provided care to 659 survivors of sexual violence in South Darfur between January 2024 and March 2025, 94% of whom were women and girls.
It stated that 86% of the victims were raped, 55% reported facing additional physical violence during the assault, and 56% indicated that the perpetrator was a non-civilian.
It indicated that 34% of the victims were subjected to violence while working in or traveling to the fields.
The organization revealed that 31% of the victims of violence in South Darfur were under the age of 18, 29% were teenagers between 10 and 19 years old, 7% were under the age of 10, and 2.6% were under the age of 5.
The organization’s hospital in Tawila, North Darfur, received 48 victims of sexual violence between January and May 2025, most of whom arrived at the start of fighting in Zamzam camp.
On April 11, the Rapid Support Forces launched a large-scale attack on Zamzam camp, located 12 kilometers southwest of El Fasher, capturing it after three days of clashes that killed 400 people and displaced 406,000 others.
Most of those fleeing fled to the town of Tawila, about 60 kilometers from Zamzam camp.
New Victims
MSF has documented cases of sexual violence among Sudanese arriving in eastern Chad this year.
MSF said it has treated 44 survivors in Adré since January 2025, half of whom were children.
The Commission of Inquiry into Crimes and Violations of National and International Humanitarian Law reported that it had registered 1,392 cases of sexual violence, gang rape, and forced marriage. The Rapid Support Forces militia committed horrific violations during its control of Khartoum, Al-Jazirah, and Sennar states, including rape, looting, mass killings, and humiliation in an attempt to force local communities to accept its presence.
Rawda Idris Abdel Qader, the chief prosecutor and member of the investigation committee, said at a symposium held in Port Sudan, eastern Sudan, that “the committee documented 1,392 cases of sexual violence, gang rape, and forced marriage.”
She noted that the complaints filed regarding these violations do not exceed 2% of the actual violations.
Sudanese people refuse to report sexual violence and rape for fear of social stigma. The sense of shame has led some girls and women who have been subjected to these crimes to commit suicide, while others have fled their families.
The Truth is documenting:
Similar to the ethnic genocide of communities in West Darfur, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) burn villages in North Darfur
May 22, 2025
According to the Darfur 24 platform, the RSF burned a number of villages located in the western countryside of El Fasher, displacing dozens of families.
El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, welcomed dozens of families who had fled the western countryside following the RSF’s invasion and burning of those areas, most notably Golo.
Ibrahim Jamil Allah, the mayor of Kusa, told Darfur24 that the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) burned the villages of Kambi, Halat Sheikh Hashaba, Halat Shatta, and Abu Daqees, forcing hundreds of families to flee to El Fasher.
In contrast, Ahmed Ishaq, a displaced person from Halat Sheikh village, confirmed to Darfur24 that there is an ongoing displacement of residents from the aforementioned villages due to the fires.
Ishaq revealed that more than 15 young men from the aforementioned villages were taken by the RSF to the Sari area, northeast of Al-Koma, on their way to eastern Sudan.
The Truth is documenting
The Number of Those Fleeing Al-Nahud and Al-Khawi Has Risen to 46,000
The International Organization for Migration (IOM), a United Nations agency, reported in its latest statistics that the number of displaced people from Al-Khawi and Al-Nahud in West Kordofan State has risen to 46,000.
The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) launched an attack on Nahud city in early May, capturing it before advancing to El-Khawi. However, they soon suffered a crushing defeat, allowing the armed forces to retake the town.
The organization said in a statement that “9,367 families, comprising 46,840 individuals, were displaced from Nahud and El-Khawi due to worsening insecurity.”
It noted that many of those fleeing were internally displaced and had been subjected to secondary displacement.
The RSF displaced residents of several villages in West Kordofan following widespread looting and plundering, in an attempt to hinder the army’s advance on the city, which connects the Darfur region and the greater Kordofan region.
The Truth is documenting
In a new chapter of its bloody crimes, a joint force from Al-Hilu Movement and the Rapid Support Forces militia assassinates 36 young men in South Kordofan:
Field sources reported that joint forces from the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Rapid Support Forces militia carried out a sudden attack on the Umm Daheleeb area and neighboring villages in South Kordofan State at dawn on Saturday, June 10, 2025. The attack resulted in the assassination of 36 young men from the area, after the attacking forces advanced following the retreat of Sudanese Armed Forces units. The sources added that the residents were subjected to widespread violations, including torture and field killings, before the armed forces were later able to regain control of the area.
Citizens said that the Rapid Support Forces militia committed widespread violations against civilians, including murder, looting, and forced displacement, in the areas of Al-Dubaibat, Al-Hamadi, and Kazgil in South Kordofan, and in Al-Khawi locality and the surrounding villages in West Kordofan.
On June 20, 2025, according to the East Kordofan News Platform, the SPLM-N al-Hilu militia renewed its shelling and targeting of residential neighborhoods in the city of Dilling, South Kordofan State, causing extensive damage to a number of civilian homes.
The Truth is documenting
Two Hospitals were Bombed in El Obeid… and the UAE is Accused of Supporting Genocide in Sudan
In a scene that reflects the scale of the escalating tragedy in Sudan, six civilians were killed in shelling carried out by the Rapid Support Forces militia on two hospitals and residential neighborhoods in El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State.
The bloody attack targeting the health infrastructure comes at a time when Khartoum, the capital, is facing a serious cholera outbreak, amid a near-total collapse of the health system due to the Rapid Support Forces militia’s targeting of hospitals.
Accusations are mounting against the UAE of supporting the Rapid Support Forces militia, which has been accused by the Sudanese government and international organizations of participating in the systematic exeuton of genocide in Darfur and other parts of Sudan.
Lives Lost and Facilities Destroyed: Details of the Aggression on El Obeid
According to local sources, a drone belonging to the Rapid Support Forces militia targeted the Social Security Hospital in El Obeid, killing six civilians and wounding 12 others, some of whom are in critical condition. This coincided with artillery shelling that targeted residential neighborhoods and another health facility, completely putting the hospital out of service. The hospital administration confirmed the death toll and announced the suspension of operations “until further notice.”
In the first international response, the Director-General of the World Health Organization, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, expressed his shock at the attack, saying, “We are horrified by the bombing of hospitals in El Obeid. These attacks must stop immediately, as targeting health facilities is a grave violation of international law.” He emphasized that “the best medicine to end this suffering is peace,” in an implicit call for international action to halt the war that has torn Sudan apart for more than a year.
The Truth is documenting
After being displaced by the Rapid Support Forces and Haftar’s militias… the suffering and tragedies of thousands of Sudanese in the triangle area bordering Egypt and Libya:
Nearly five thousand Sudanese, along with other foreign traders and miners, are living in tragic conditions in the triangle area on Sudan’s borders with Egypt and Libya, where they face the risk of dying of thirst after the Rapid Support Forces militia, with the support of Haftar’s Libyan militias, invaded their areas, killing, looting, and displacing those who remained in the desert.
On the Sudanese-Egyptian border, east of El-Oweinat, Egyptian authorities were present, setting up two centers to shelter those fleeing the brutality of the Rapid Support Forces before working to return them to Sudan in coordination with Sudanese authorities.
According to the Humanitarian Aid Commission in the Northern State, approximately five thousand people have sought refuge at the Egyptian border from the Triangle area, including foreigners, while others have fled to the Libyan border.
Humanitarian Disaster
Abu Abdulrahman was one of the survivors of the brutality of the Rapid Support Forces militia in the Triangle area. He arrived three days ago in the Arqin area in northern Sudan after an arduous journey and suffering from thirst that nearly cost him his life, like others he said died of thirst in the desert.
In an interview with Al-Sudani newspaper, Abu Abdulrahman said, “What happened in the Triangle is heartbreaking. We witnessed the killing, displacement, and corruption perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces and Haftar’s militias when they entered the Triangle. We had no choice but to flee their brutality and seek refuge in neighboring Egypt, facing dire humanitarian conditions. We faced the risk of dying of thirst in the desert under the scorching sun.” He noted that the Egyptian authorities housed them in two centers east of Jabal al-Uwaynat before deporting them.
He added, “I was among 2,000 people rescued by the Egyptian authorities and returned to Sudan in two groups, reaching safety after a three-day journey.”
Abu Abdulrahman described the tragic conditions of his companions, emphasizing that they were at risk of dying of thirst in the desert, with some even fainting. He appealed to the Sudanese government, the army, and local and international civil society organizations to rescue them.
While Mohammed “Ma’dan Nag” confirmed that he escaped with his life after the Rapid Support Forces stole all his belongings, he told Al-Sudani in a voice filled with sadness: “They left us nothing. I even left with what I was wearing.”
The Commission is taking action
For its part, the Humanitarian Aid Commission in Northern State confirmed the return of approximately 2,926 displaced persons from the Triangle area, out of a total of 5,000 who had sought refuge within the Egyptian borders. The Commission confirmed that the deportees are being received and hosted in Halfa, and then transported to shelters in Dongola, paving the way for their relocation to their various areas. The Commission confirmed that among the deportees are elderly people, children, and families, and indicated that the state has received 43 children with their families.
The Commission stated in a statement to Al-Sudani that the closest point of arrival for the deportees was Egypt, which honored them before returning them to the country and handing them over to the Sudanese army, which in turn bore the burden of transporting them within the Sudanese borders. She indicated that technical, legal, medical, and procedural arrangements for the return of the deportees to their home areas had been completed. The Commission stated that there were directives from the Governor of the Northern State to mobilize the efforts of humanitarian partners to host and repatriate the deportees. The Commission called on the Commission to expand the scope of participation from national and international organizations, supporters, and donors.
Sails of Hope
Practically, the Sails of Hope organization has begun extending a helping hand by providing safe drinking water to the deportees, in addition to launching free clinics. The organization’s head, Adel Al-Yemeni, told Al-Sudani: “In response to the Humanitarian Aid Commission’s call, we at the Sails of Hope organization, in cooperation with the Family Planning Organization, rushed to provide assistance to the forcibly displaced from the Triangle area.” He emphasized that they are living in tragic humanitarian conditions that lack the most basic necessities for a decent life.
He added: “We observed their conditions on the ground. After leaving their areas, they found themselves in a harsh environment without water or medical services.” Al-Yemeni said that the organization had identified priorities after coordinating with security agencies and stakeholders in the region, and then worked to provide urgent, life-saving humanitarian aid, including the provision of drinking water. He also coordinated with the Family Planning Organization to launch mobile clinics to provide primary healthcare services, as well as activating urgent medical interventions targeting emergency cases.
The Truth Reveals
Statistics from the Attorney General’s reports before the oral briefing of the Commission of Inquiry on Sudan, 59th session, Human Rights Council, Geneva, June 2025:
● 120,594 criminal cases were registered against RSF under the headings of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and terrorism.*
● 257 cases against members of the regular forces for individual, non-systematic violations.*
● 3,997 cases in which investigations have been completed.*
● 1,093 cases in which a final rule has been issued.*
● 619 fugitives declared.*
● 6 countries have been contacted to extradite 17 fugitives.*
● 98 cases related to systematic rape have been registered.*
● 1,392 cases of rape have been documented, including minors, which is lower than the expected percentage, due to societal fear of stigma.*
● 28,613 innocent civilian victims have been killed.
● 43,575 wounded have been recorded so far.
● 9,000 children have been forcibly recruited and used by RSF in battles.
● Mercenaries from 12 countries are participating in the fighting inside Sudan alongside the militia.
● 14,506 cases of disappearance and forced detention have been documented.
● 965 mass graves have been identified, so far.
The Truth Is documenting:
Examples of Conclusive Evidence of the Rapid Support Forces Militia’s Use of US-Made Weapons to Kill Civilians in Sudan:
Local and international reports and investigations have revealed that the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia in Sudan obtained and used US-made weapons during the war. The most prominent evidence is: These include:
- American anti-tank missiles (FGM-148 Javelin): Field photographs have emerged of Rapid Support Forces commanders and soldiers carrying American Javelin anti-tank missiles at combat positions. The Sudanese army was able to confiscate a large number of these missiles from militia warehouses.
In April 2024, photos were taken of Rapid Support Forces members at Al Jelei refinery in Khartoum carrying a modern-looking Javelin missile, raising questions about how they obtained it. Following subsequent battles, the Sudanese Armed Forces announced the seizure of a huge warehouse containing large quantities of American FGM-148 Javelin missiles in the Al-Salha area of Omdurman, after the Rapid Support Forces fighters fled. According to Agence France-Presse, these American-made missiles are designed to defeat the advanced armor of Russian tanks.
It is worth noting that the Sudanese army had also previously revealed the seizure of approximately 300 Javelin missiles in the Jebel Awliya area, south of Khartoum, following its liberation from militia control. These missiles are considered among the most dangerous anti-tank weapons in the world, and the cost of the system (launcher and missile) is approximately $178,000 per unit, according to the Pentagon’s 2021 budget.
The presence of the Javelin in the hands of the Rapid Support Forces—a weapon used by the US military and its allies—represents strong evidence of the illicit flow of advanced US weapons to a non-state actor in Sudan.
US-made 155mm Howitzers:
In addition to the portable rockets, the Sudanese army also documented the seizure of US-made 155mm heavy artillery pieces from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Following sweeps in the Al-Salha area (Omdurman), US-made 155mm field guns were found, which the militia had been using to shell civilian neighborhoods and destroy homes and facilities.
These highly destructive weapons are prohibited from entering Sudan under sanctions, and their appearance in the hands of the RSF indicates a serious violation of arms export agreements. These heavy weapons were not part of the militia’s known pre-war armament, indicating that they were acquired during the war through external channels.
Other US-made and tactical weapons:
US-made tactical equipment has also been spotted in RSF logistics warehouses, according to local reports, including sighting devices and modern small arms.
*How the Rapid Support Militia Obtained American Weapons (The Role of Regional Allies):
Available evidence indicates that American weapons did not reach the Rapid Support Militia directly from Washington, but rather via countries allied with the United States in the region, most notably the United Arab Emirates. Several investigative and journalistic reports have documented this indirect role.
Secret Flights and Shipments Through Chad: A New York Times investigation, followed by a more extensive Washington Post report, revealed that the UAE used airports in eastern Chad to transport weapons to the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan.
The Sudan Conflict Monitor, a research team supported by the US State Department, tracked at least 32 military cargo flights between the UAE and Chad between June 2023 and May 2024 and concluded with “near certainty” that these flights were transporting weapons and ammunition from the UAE to the Rapid Support Militia. Monitor observers documented a suspicious pattern for these flights, such as turning off their tracking devices or changing their routes to avoid detection, then landing at airports near the Sudanese border. Despite repeated UAE denials, this is consistent with field evidence found: When Washington Post journalists visited weapons depots confiscated by government forces in Omdurman, they found ammunition boxes bearing labels indicating they were manufactured in Serbia and destined for the UAE Armed Forces’ Joint Supply Command. This suggests that ammunition purchased by the UAE had reached the Rapid Support Forces militia in Sudan. This strong evidence directly links Emirati supply to the militia’s arming.
Major journalistic leaks and investigations: The Wall Street Journal confirmed in an investigative report (August 10, 2023) that the UAE had actually sent arms and ammunition shipments to the Rapid Support Forces militia, even during a period when it claimed to be sending humanitarian aid. The report showed video footage of Rapid Support Forces fighters displaying crates of modern weapons as spoils, scenes that documented the transformation of the conflict in Darfur into a proxy war attracting fighters and equipment from far and wide. One of these clips showed a fighter examining the passport of a foreign recruit, who carried documents indicating the recruitment of mercenaries from Latin America, highlighting the international dimension of the war.
The newspaper concluded The UAE is funding and arming the militia as part of a regional power struggle, and officials have reported that Abu Dhabi has sent weapons and military equipment to the Rapid Support Forces militia “until 2023.”
Independent UN experts have corroborated these allegations, with reports from the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan documenting the same pattern of Emirati supply to the militia.
Human rights organizations: Further evidence of Emirati support: Amnesty International issued several reports in 2023 and 2024 documenting the flow of modern weapons to Sudan from countries allied with the US. Amnesty International found evidence of the Rapid Support Forces militia’s use of UAE-made Nimr Ajban armored vehicles equipped with French weapons systems (the Galix protection system).
These armored vehicles have appeared in battlefield photographs (some of which have been captured or destroyed by the Sudanese army) in several locations, including Darfur.
According to the Amnesty report, the UAE’s provision of these combat vehicles to the Rapid Support Forces constitutes a violation. A potential threat to the UN arms embargo on Sudan.
The organization also warned that these vehicles and other weapons could be used by the militia to commit further war crimes and violations against civilians.
In another report (July 2024), Amnesty International revealed a “continuous flow of weapons” into Sudan despite the war, including weapons from the UAE and other countries (China, Russia, Turkey, and others)—implying a widespread supply network. These findings reinforced what Amnesty International described as a “global inaction” that has led to the continued killing and injuring of civilians in Sudan.
Legal Violations and Relevant International Treaties
The involvement of the Rapid Support Forces militia in acquiring US-made weapons through intermediary countries raises serious legal issues under both US and international law:
- Violation of US arms export laws and controls: When selling weapons to its allies, the United States imposes strict restrictions on the re-export of these weapons to third parties without Washington’s permission (under laws such as the US Arms Export Control Act).
The UAE’s transfer of US weapons and ammunition (such as Javelin missiles or 155mm cannons) to the Rapid Support Forces constitutes a clear violation of end-user agreements between Washington and Abu Dhabi. This sparked a reaction in Washington: In January 2025, Congressmen Chris Van Hollen and Sarah Jacobs stated that they had confirmed—based on a briefing from the Biden administration and credible reports—that the UAE continued to supply the Rapid Support Forces with weapons despite its denials.
Van Hollen emphasized that it is unacceptable for the United States to continue selling weapons to a country that transfers them to a party involved in genocide and violations in Sudan.
Indeed, the two lawmakers have pushed to block major arms deals with the UAE unless it is proven that its military support for the Rapid Support Forces has ceased.
Violation of Security Council Resolutions and the International Arms Embargo:
Sudan has been subject to a partial arms embargo imposed by the Security Council (particularly on Darfur) for years. The UN resolution prohibits the transfer of weapons to anyone in Darfur except the Sudanese government. Therefore, any arms shipments to the Rapid Support Forces, particularly in Darfur, constitute a violation of Security Council resolutions.
Amnesty International warned that the supply of armored vehicles equipped with French technology to the militia via the UAE “constitutes a clear violation of the arms embargo” on Sudan.
The UN Panel of Experts also documented suspicious flights transporting equipment through Chad to Darfur, noting that some of these flights have previously been recorded as violations of the arms embargo. Although experts acknowledged that they needed conclusive evidence about the contents of the shipments to officially prove a violation, the systematic pattern of these flights and the residents’ testimonies of the arrival of advanced weapons (such as combat drones) point in one direction: the existence of an illicit airlift by the Rapid Support Forces.
From an international legal perspective, the countries or companies involved in supplying weapons to the Rapid Support Forces militia—despite the embargo—could be held responsible for violating the international resolution, opening the door to condemnation in UN forums.
This evidence prompted the Sudanese government itself to file a case before the International Court of Justice (The Hague) against the UAE in 2024, accusing it of complicity in violating the Genocide Convention by arming a militia that committed atrocities amounting to genocide in Darfur.
