A Hostage in the Hands of the Rebellious Rapid Support Forces, Evacuated to the UK Narrates the Horrors of Detention and Detainees at the Operations Authority Headquarters

By alhakika Last updated Nov 1, 2023

In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

El Haqeeqa
The specialized and periodical magazine dedicated to monitoring and documenting the violations of the Rapid Support Forces Militia – Published in three languages.

Issue “8” – November 2023.

The Black Record of the Militia
“Number 2”

A Hostage in the Hands of the Rebellious Rapid Support Forces, Evacuated to the UK Narrates the Horrors of Detention and Detainees at the Operations Authority Headquarters

My family was among the opposition to the Bashir government.
In 2017, the Security and Police Apparatus requested my contribution to building Sudan’s economy and governance structures due to my specialization.
I brought in major companies in the field of infrastructure, including the Chinese Railways company and other Chinese companies, and we began infrastructure projects.
We started working with the military sector, and with the Rapid Support Forces as one of the state institutions, and we contributed to the rehabilitation of several of their camps.
During my visit to the Jabal Awliya camp, I noticed that the number of forces exceeded 4,000, while it was supposed to be a training camp for only 400-600 people.
I had contacts and meetings with several officials from the construction and engineering management of the Rapid Support Forces.
I had communication and friendships with several high-ranking officers in the army, and I used to visit them at the General Command headquarters.
I was arrested while looking for food, and they took me to Abdulrahim’s house, where they beat me and later transferred me to the Operations Authority headquarters.
Abdulrahim came to the Operations Authority headquarters once, but his office staff comes there frequently.
Ali Dakharo is the officer responsible for officers’ affairs and investigations in the detainment, and he is from the Islamic Movement.
There are two retired officers from the General Intelligence Service who were recruited by the Rapid Support Forces. One of them established the intelligence for the Rapid Support Forces, but they were kept under surveillance due to fear of betrayal.
When my country’s embassy intervened to evacuate me, Fares Al-Noor spoke to me, apologizing.
I refused to be evacuated to Al-Halfaya’s main prison out of fear of execution and requested to be evacuated through the Red Cross.

Details of the Arrest and Detainees

Name: Yasslem Ibrahim Hassan Eltayeb.
Mother: From Omdurman, Al-Mawrada.
Father: From Hajr Al-Asal, Al-Ja’aleen Al-Saadab.

I left Sudan in the mid-nineties, and my family was among the opposition to Omar Al-Bashir’s government. I returned to Sudan after 2012 in visits, and in 2017, the Security and Police Apparatus requested my help in rebuilding Sudan’s economy and governance structures due to my professional background. I agreed to participate in the reconstruction if there were guarantees against corruption and for independence.

After that, there was a change in the government, and Hamdok’s government came, making matters more complex due to its corruption. I brought in major companies to Sudan, and some companies that were already operating in Sudan came under our umbrella, including the Chinese Railways company and other Chinese companies. We focused on infrastructure projects such as roads, bridges, buildings, and hospitals.

We began our work in the states of Nile River and Khartoum. We started working with the military sector and the Rapid Support Forces, as they were one of the state institutions. We began working on “Taiba” camps and established a contract for construction with “GSK” company, working under “GSK’s” umbrella. We incurred significant losses, and we had dues worth hundreds of dollars, which we ended up losing.

We presented substantial work with the Chinese company and my private company. We started with roads and some construction work. We later engaged in discussions with the engineering management of the Rapid Support Forces. As “GSK” was very corrupt and caused losses for the Rapid Support Forces, they decided to remove it. There were plans to transfer the work to my company and “El-Genaid.” I was in contact with the engineering management and met various officers there, including Ournasser, Bashir in the executive office, Hassan Mahjoub, and Ahmed in the engineering management.

I was in continuous contact with them, and Ournasser or Major General Mohammed Abbas Ournasser, given his oversight of all projects under the Rapid Support Forces, recommended utilizing my foreign relationships and expertise to start working in all the Rapid Support Forces’ camps under “El-Genaid.” At the time, I was more focused on the business aspect, and the Rapid Support Forces were a force under the state and its institutions. I saw some tension, but I didn’t expect a rebellion.

I was summoned by the engineering management, and they discussed sewage problems in the “Jabal Awlia” camp. I went to the camp with architectural consultants who specialized in palaces and the University of Khartoum. With us was a professor from the University of Khartoum, a Sudanese-Canadian, who was an expert in sewage technology. We found that the “Jabal Awlia” camp, which was a training camp for 400 to 600 people, had around 4,000 people. The sewage system could not handle this number, which raised questions about why such a large number of forces were present in a regular training camp. The Taiba camp had a similar issue, being very crowded in March, a month before Ramadan, which was strange.

We made several visits to their camps, and these numbers caught my attention. I used to visit the General Command as well to meet friends. I noticed the extensive security measures and the equipment near Hemeti and Abdulrahim’s houses.

At the same time, we had an export project for meat to Egypt. On a Saturday, we were preparing for the slaughter, and I visited the slaughterhouse with Egyptians. We agreed to meet in front of the medical department on Sunday to go to the slaughterhouse. At nine in the morning, my brother in Britain called and asked me, “What’s happening in Sudan?” I said, “Things are calm.” He told me, “No, there’s gunfire exchange in Sudan.” I opened my house window, and I lived on Abdullah Al-Tayeb Street in Riyadh. I noticed smoke at the General Command and the sound of bullets. I went out to a nearby open area, and I found all sorts of weapons and a considerable number of Rapid Support Forces personnel deployed around the buildings. I found myself surrounded because we were close to Abdulrahim’s house, which was considered a neighbor.

All the forces that were at the Operations Authority came to the open area near my house and around Abdulrahim’s house. I wasn’t prepared, and I was alone. I didn’t have enough food. On Monday, I ran out of food inside my house, and I’m a diabetic. I reached a point where I had to eat onions.

On Thursday, the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Emergency Office, contacted me to inquire about my health and situation. They were in touch with me to find a way to get me to the Dutch embassy. When the fighting intensified and a part of the building was struck, I went downstairs and began to feel numbness in my fingers and fatigue. I went to meet the soldiers to explain my health condition and asked for food. It was around 4 PM, and they told me they were hungry too and hadn’t eaten since morning. I went to the force next to them, and they told me that they had broken into the “Tasamuh Store,” so I should go there and get my supplies, and they wanted me to take some for them as well.

I continued to Kebabgi Street and found the third group. They stopped me, and I explained to them that the previous force had sent me to the Tasamuh Store. They asked me, “Who are you?” and told me to empty my pockets. When they found the red passport, they said I was a spy. They summoned the leader of the force, a lieutenant who arrived with a Land Cruiser filled with ammunition. They asked me to get in, pulled my passports from me, and entered Abdul Rahim’s house.

They brought another senior officer who started verbally abusing me, calling me part of the Burhan group, saying we were from River Nile State, and he hit me on the head. I told him to respect my age, and I mentioned a saying of the Prophet about respecting the elderly. I was fasting, and I asked, “How can you beat me in broad daylight during Ramadan?” The leader of the force said, “Leave him, leave him.” They tied my hands and took me to the Operations Authority headquarters. I noticed many vehicles entering.

They placed me in a large room with all the detainees, and a person took my passport from the leader of the force who had arrested me. Among the detainees, I noticed a person called “the Doctor,” but he was not a medical doctor. Most of their attention seemed to be focused on this person, later identified as “Hatim.” It was around 5:30 PM, and they asked me if I wanted water. I thanked them and declined. Later, a person named “Ali Dakhro” came, a known leader in the Islamic Movement, searched my phone, and claimed that my phone was filled with support for the army. I told him this was my country’s army, and I supported it. He said, “No, we’re fighting against the army.” I replied, “If you had a disagreement with your father at home, would you grab a stick and beat him?” He said, “This army is not my father’s army; it’s not our army.”

I expressed my opinion that this conflict was a struggle for power and not the fault of the people. They insisted I was a spy and found high-ranking military contacts in my phone. When asked why I left my house, I explained that I had left to send a “location” to the Dutch embassy, intending to communicate my need for evacuation, but I was unclear. They handed me my phone and told me to turn it off, which I did, but they took it from me again. Afterward, they served us breakfast, which was a porridge. I then encountered Ali Dakhro for the second time, who offered his office for me and the Doctor to sleep in. We went into his office, and I asked the Doctor if he was a medical doctor, to which he replied, “No.” I inquired about his work, and he mentioned working in the financial sector at the United Money Bank. I noticed that the Doctor was reserved in his conversation. We slept, and we woke up for the Fajr prayer. Afterward, we asked for permission to use the bathroom, and I noticed they treated us better than the other detainees. We performed ablution and prayed Fajr and Dhuha. Then I heard the name “Bentoun,” and I asked if it was a holiday today, and he responded with a laugh, “Yes, it’s a holiday.” Around 2 PM, I heard a vehicle, and Ali Dakhro mentioned something about “executing the detainees”. They entered our room, heavily armed with GM3 rifles, knives, and handguns, accompanied by Ali Dakhro, looking very intimidating. They called the Doctor and tied him up from hands and legs, warning him that death awaited him. One of them asked me, “Who are you?” and I replied, “Yesslam Ibrahim.” They instructed me to recite the Quran, and I began to read and prayed for myself and my children, preparing for death.

They didn’t come for me until the evening. Ali Dakhro came to me and greeted me. I responded, “Yes.” He asked if I needed anything, and I told him that I have diabetes and needed food. I had gone for about fifty hours without eating. He said, “Alright, alright,” and only came back the next day. He said, “Come and sit here with these officers and have a meal with us.” I replied that I wasn’t interested in eating, but he insisted, stating that they had received high-level instructions to treat me well. They gave me food again, and I managed to eat some of the pasta. They asked me if I was afraid of death, and I responded, “To every soul, there is a decree.”

Later, they took me into a hot and dark room, leaving the door slightly open. I observed what they were doing to other detainees, civilians, military personnel, retired officers, and a group from the engineering administration. They were dressed as Rapid Support Forces, and video recordings were made to present them as high-ranking military leaders.

After three days, they brought Walid Tayfoor, the son of Abdul Hakam Tayfoor, Chairman of the Islamic Bank Board and the founder of the Islamic Bank, who is affiliated with the “Khatmiyah” religious group. They claimed he was an intelligence captain and began interrogating him, accompanied by physical abuse and insults. It was evident that Dakhro wanted to keep him detained.

A day after Walid Tayfoor’s arrest, they brought him to my room, and I engaged in a discussion with him, reassuring and getting to know him better. We realized that we were neighbors in Omdurman at some point. I requested Ali Dakhro to leave him with me, but he replied, “We have brought you companions, my friend.” They also brought a lieutenant from the engineering administration and subjected him to harsh language. He suffered from diarrhea due to fear, and they took him to the bathroom and changed his clothes. I also tried to have a dialogue with him, comforting him with Nothing will happen to us except what Allah has decreed for us: He is our protector”.

Later, they brought a gynecologist with the rank of a colonel and a specialist in obstetrics and gynecology from the medical corps. They transferred the colonel to another location within the Operations Authority with several military personnel. They began bringing sheep, distributing food and pasta. I noticed that they had brought nurses to attend to some cases.

Among the detainees were Colonel Khalid Abdullah Dangal and Major Khalid Zayed, both retired officers from the General Intelligence Service, who had been recruited by the Rapid Support Forces. They were arrested from their offices and held in custody due to fears betrayal.

The four of us, myself, Walid Tayfoor, Khalid Dangal, and Khalid Zayed, stayed together. Khalid Dangal and Khalid Zayed remained detained with injuries on their bodies. Walid was eventually released.

I was detained for 12 days, during which I witnessed a large number of detainees, including thieves, and their stolen possessions. They were subjected to physical abuse and torture and were released after their belongings were confiscated.

Ali Dakhro and other officers frequently visited us, especially Khalid Zayed and me, for continuous interrogation.

There was an individual named Captain Hamoudi, an armed forces officer affiliated with the Knights Movement and the Islamic Movement. He was responsible for “Officer Affairs in the Detention Center.” Another officer named Maher, from Meserya tribe, GIS officer who was recruited by RSF, was responsible for investigations and under the authority of Ali Dakhro.

Abdul Rahim Daglo came to the detention center only once, and I didn’t interact with him directly. However, his office staff regularly visited the detention center.
On the thirteenth day, they interrogated Walid Tayfoor, physically abusing him, and demanding that he claim to be part of the intelligence. Afterward, they spoke to Khalid Dangal and admitted that his arrest was a mistake, but there were instructions to keep him in custody.

Ali Dakhro came and called me to approach while holding my hand, acting as if he were a close friend. He asked me to sit in a particular chair, and as I did, he sat on the edge of the chair. He inquired whether they were treating me well. I explained to him that the detainees, including Walid Tayfoor, were subjected to severe beatings, to which he replied that he would address the issue.

He continued, saying they should contact your country’s government and request your release. They would then hand you over to your embassy. A thin man, who introduced himself as Hemedti’s personal secretary, joined the conversation. He informed me that he was sent to facilitate my release and handed me a phone. He stated that there was someone who wanted to talk to me. I answered the phone call and found it was “Fares al-Noor,” who informed me that your country’s government had contacted them, and your family had created a “commotion” due to my arrest. They planned to transport me to Kober Al-Halfaya bridge in Bahri, and from there, an army unit would escort me to Wadi Saydna. I refused to move in this manner.

Afterward, I received another call from Hemedti’s legal advisor, who expressed apologies and seemed to be trying to present a positive image of their actions to my government.

Later, I was informed that one of my relatives wanted to speak to me on the phone. This person was an officer in the Rapid Support Forces. I spoke with him, and he explained that they would record a conversation with me in which I should admit that I had spoken ill of the Rapid Support Forces on social media, leading to my arrest. I agreed but was cautious during the conversation and did not incriminate myself. Instead, I spoke in general terms about the need for peace in Sudan.

Next, my family called me on the phone and mentioned that they wanted to pick me up from Al-Halfaya Bridge, but I declined due to what I had witnessed at the detention center. I requested them to arrange for my surrender to my country’s embassy via the Red Cross. Later, the Dutch Embassy notified me that the evacuation would be from the Golf Club. I observed that there was coordination between the American, British, and Dutch embassies for my repatriation. The Americans received me and took me to the Coral Hotel in Port Sudan, from where I was transported to Cyprus and then to the United Kingdom.

Conclusion:
The Adjacent Room
In the second week, a force from the Rapid Support Forces brought a girl from the Committees of Resistance in East Nile. She had been volunteering at the East Nile Hospital and was taken by the Rapid Support Forces. Through the conversations I overheard while in the adjacent room, I learned that she was arrested while photographing wounded individuals, including members of the Rapid Support Forces. They brought her to the Operations Authority’s headquarters.

During a phone call with her mother, she mentioned, “I was taking pictures of the wounded, I was taking pictures of the wounded,” and her mother denied it. I don’t believe her; I think she’s lying. It was exactly 10 PM. when they told her to wait until morning, and then she could return home. They allowed her to sleep and informed her they would take her to East Nile in the morning, and then she could go home.

When I greeted her with “Peace be upon you” during the morning prayer, she responded. She believed I was a Rapid Support Forces officer, not realizing I was a “prisoner.” She explained that she volunteered at the hospital and didn’t intend any harm with the photography. I asked her if the upper floor of East Nile Hospital was closed. She told me that it was, and while high-ranking officers went there, they were forbidden from reaching the upper floor. There was strict security due to a prominent figure on the upper floor. Later, during my conversation with Officer Maher, I mentioned rumors about the commander at East Nile Hospital, and he confirmed them.